Week 6: Reading Sociology Part 6

Estimated Reading Time 00:04:03

Reading Sociology

Part 6: Education

Chapter 22: The Rise of the “Research University”: Gendered Outcomes
by Maureen Baker

There are two paradigms: “research universities” and “teaching universities”. Universities are changing from “teaching” based to “research” based. Men tend to hold more senior titles and work longer hours than women. Also women tend to retire early, possibly due to child care responsibilities.

Basically, this paradigm shift is disruptive and really doesn’t sound all that good. University is turning beaureaucratic and academics get disheartened. Men seems to be more confident in their career prospects and more willing to work long hours or relocate.

More men accepted the long-hours culture and values inherent in the promotion system. The “corporatized” university that privileges research and international prestige tends to favour masculinized behaviour that is competitive and sometimes confrontational. This suggests that the gender gap will persist even as more women rise through the ranks.

Maureen Baker

Chapter 23: Education, Ethnonationalism, and Non-violence in Quebec
by Matthew Lange

A study by Lange and Dawson (2010) finds that education is actually positively correlated to ethnic violence, except in wealthy countries. Why?

  • The educated are overrepresented in separatist blocs such as Parti Québécois. In fact the movement only became a powerful force once the education system expanded to increase the number of educated individuals.
  • Independence is to the interest of the educated. The more educated a Québécois is, the more likely he/she is to believe that Anglophones earn more than Francophones.

But why not erupt into violence?

  • Quebec is a rich province with high GDP and standards of living.
  • Anglophones started to treat Francophones better after WWII.
  • The Canadian state was pretty nice to the movement and didn’t coerce the opposition into violence.
  • The Canadian institution gives the movement an outlet. e.g. participate in the Parliament.
  • Proletarians have nothing to lose but chains. But the rich French bourgeois? They have not a lot to gain but much to lose.

While grievances and interests pushed many educated individuals to organize and support the Quebec separatist movement, the political and economic environment severely constrained grievances and reduced incentives for ethnonational militancy.

Matthew Lange

Chapter 24: From International Universities to Diverse Local Communities? International Students in Halifax and Beyond
by Sinziana Chira

You know how they have to include (at least) one dry and boring piece in each part of RS just to tick you off? Yeah, this is the one.


  • Highly skilled immigrants are desirable based on assumption of human capital.
  • Immigration used to be shaped by the government, but increasingly businesses and universities attract immigrants on their own.
  • There’s an increase of international students in Halifax due to lack of government funding. The universities and the private sector had to market themselves to appeal to international applicants.
  • International students are “ideal immigrants” because of high (and skilled) education in Canada.
  • But would these students stay in Canada? They can’t find a job or settle down easily because of their lack of social ties. There are “nuanced power dynamics”.

Notable quotes:

In Halifax, spaces of negotiation between the needs and duties of governmental branches and private stakeholders continue to shape the success of international students in becoming Canadian citizens.

Sinziana Chira

Chapter 25: Segregation versus Self-Determination: A Black and White Debate on Canada’s First Africentric School
by Shaun Chen

In 2008 TDSB voted 11 to 9 to approve the first-ever Africentric alternative school.
The author is in favour of the Africentric school.

  • Critical race theory suggests there is a collective voice spoken by people of colour from racialized experiences.
  • Reports say that Black students are disengaged in schools and face low expectations.
  • Ultimately the argument boils down to three points:
    1. Presence of racism (for) vs. absence of racism (against): from narratives of the Black people in education system racism seems to indeed exist. Opponents base their arguments on the assumption that “since Canada is a liberal democracy, racism can’t possibly exist”.
    2. Self-determination (for) vs. segregation (against): proponents view Afrocentric school as a place for enablement with voluntary enrollment. Opponents view the school as a backtrack to 1954 as an alternate form of segregation.
    3. Equity (for) vs. equality (against): equity is a means to achieve equality. Treating people differently to reduce social hierarchy is called equity. Ultimately, the author argues, this results in equality.
  • There are lots of paradoxes and contradictions as with liberalism.

Notable quotes:

It becomes clear, then, that the perspectives put forth by opponents rest on misinformation and false assumptions of what the school will be and for whom. The arguments fail to address the underlying impetus of improving black student outcomes. They also fail to understand the direness of current racialized realities and the means through which equality is achieved. Instead, they serve to help demonstrate how racism is deeply embedded within ostensibly liberal claims to racial equality.

Shaun Chen

Creative Commons License
SOC103 Notes by digitalhardhat is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 3.0 Unported License.


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